Cheyanne Bond

DAVID J., who is black, writes:

The link about Brendan Tevlin’s murder also includes information concerning a dead black teenager named Cheyanne Bond, who was allegedly shot in the head by a black thug.

Regardless, I have had it with the savage element of the black race. Such people cannot operate in and want no part of any type of civilized society. They are simply too deprived of normal human capital: intelligence, conscientiousness, temperance, and civility.

The works of Lawrence Auster and Paul Kersey, along with the video broadcasts of Tommy Sotomayor and David Carroll (both of whom are scathingly self-critical blacks; we do exist) have hardened my views on law enforcement and crime prevention. Society must impose stiff policies like Stop and Frisk, Broken Windows, racial profiling, Stand Your Ground, and teenage curfews and return to draconian practices like public executions, longer sentences, lower bars for capital punishments, and welfare reductions in order to keep this wild population at bay. Light prison sentences fail to deter these miscreants, who often regard stints behind bars as mere badges of honor and subjects for future rap songs.

Humans who regard basic laws as something externally imposed instead of internally felt (to paraphrase writer Fred Reed) must be harshly made to recognize that the lawgiver, “beareth not the sword in vain.” If tough policies abound in a nation like Singapore with its relatively criminally disinclined demographics (Chinese, Malays, and subcontinental Indians), how much more severe should American law enforcement be?

Laura writes:

One of the men charged with killing Brendan Tevlin is also accused of killing Cheyanne Bond, who was ordered to kneel and give up her iPhone before she was executed. It is a very sad case. A murder is not like a death by car accident or a bolt of lightening. It is far more personally devastating to those left behind. It sends moral reverberations throughout a community. Blacks are overwhelmingly the victims of black crime, which does not make the concern for white victims unjustified. Even though there are far more black victims, we must not expect moral initiative or collective outrage from the black community. Except for a few lone voices, it will not come. Recent history has shown that. I don’t believe blacks are to blame for this lack of initiative. It is simply not in their nature — a generalization to be sure, but one that has visible social consequences.

As to the measures you suggest, I would add swift, expedited trials and serious corporal punishment for lesser crimes. Longer sentences do not make much difference. These penalties should be race blind, affecting convicted criminals of all races. Unless serious physical suffering is meted out, the penalties will not deter. Also, there is a demonstrated tendency of black juries to acquit black defendants. This is a serious problem. In the case of Maggie Daniels, I wonder how it was that a man who was arrested twice on rape charges never went to trial and was let free.

But none of the remedies you mention will come about anytime soon. Our attorney general holds quite different views, but he is one of millions who do. Racialists, both black and white, would cry foul at all of these measures because they would disproportionately, and overwhelmingly, affect blacks. It would take a massive change in the mentality of whites for them to accept a leadership role which they adamantly do not want. We are too weak and effeminate to inflict physical punishment.

I also believe there are things that could be done to improve the training and employment of blacks, which would help reduce crime. But these measures would also require abandoning illusions of equality, as William Hannibal Thomas, the black author of The American Negro advocated more than 100 years ago. Equality is the reigning religion. There is immense hubris behind it. Nothing short of a religious revolution can bring us to these solutions.

— Comments —

Buck writes:

You write: “Nothing short of a religious revolution can bring us to these solutions.”

Why only a religious revolution?

 Laura writes:

As I said, equality is a religion. And can only be replaced by some other metaphysical project.

Buck writes:

I realize that many of us often offhandedly and shorthandedly refer to modern liberalism as a religion, in the same spirit that (I assume) you write that “equality is the reigning religion”. Thinking of it in that way sort of makes sense of it and portrays a general view of ML’s power and scope. But, neither modern liberalism nor equality is a religion. They are the opposite of a religion. A devout belief in man and no God, and a belief in uncaused random material order denies all transcendent truth; is anti-theist and anti-religious. Belief is not faith.

As you have stated it, I don’t understand what you mean. If I assume that you don’t actually deem equality a religion, then I repeat my question “why only a religious revolution?”. Why not a common sense civic and law-and-order solution that could very quickly and thoroughly eliminate the “savage element of the black race”?

Laura writes:

I don’t offhandedly refer to it as a religion. I believe it is an appropriate term. Egalitarianism is inspired by the longings and desire for perfection that is best realized in adoration of God. But “idolatry” also works.

A common sense civic program cannot summon the willingness to inflict suffering for some higher good. Sadism or revenge could summon the willingness to inflict suffering, but that wouldn’t be an improvement. With the traditional Catholic view that a murderer can repent and still achieve salvation, capital punishment has a positive goal. As St. Augustine said:

The agent who executes the killing does not commit homicide; he is an instrument as is the sword with which he cuts. Therefore, it is in no way contrary to the commandment, ‘Thou shalt not kill’ to wage war at God’s bidding, or for the representatives of public authority to put criminals to death, according to the law, that is, the will of the most just reason.

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