The Virus Industry, II
May 28, 2020
WHILE Corona America seems to have emerged out of thin air, it’s actually been evolving for many years. Viruses are extremely profitable. Scientists, bureaucrats and pharmaceutical companies have been exaggerating or even inventing them for decades.
Did you know polio, a devastating syndrome of infantile paralysis, began to decline dramatically in the first half of the 20th century before the introduction of the famous vaccine developed by Jonas Salk? Did you know hundreds of healthy children who received the vaccine were sickened?
The authors of the 2007 book Virus Mania: How the Medical Industry continually Invents Epidemics, Making Billion Dollar Profits at Our Expense (Trafford Publishing), dare to question the orthodoxy surrounding polio and other prominent diseases, including AIDS, Hepatitis C, Swine Flu and SARS. Though this book is 13 years old, it is extremely relevant today. (See Part I of this review here.)
“Many pieces of evidence justify the suspicion that the cause of infantile paralysis (polio) is not a virus,” the authors say. They believe the widespread use of DDT and other pesticides which potentially act as neurotoxins are the likely causes.
Orthodox medical literature can offer no evidence that the poliovirus was anything other than benign until the first polio epidemic, which occurred in Sweden in 1887.
This was 13 years after the invention of DDT in Germany (in 1874) and 14 years after the invention of the first mechanical crop sprayer, which was used to spray formulations of water, kerosene, soap and arsenic.
“The epidemic also occurred immediately following an unprecedented flurry of pesticide innovations,” says Jim West of New York, who has extensively investigated the subject of polio and pesticides. “This is not to say that DDT was the actual cause of the first polio epidemic, as arsenic was then in widespread use and DDT is said to have been merely an academic exercise. However, DDT or any of several neurotoxic organochlorines already discovered could have caused the first polio epidemic if they had been used experimentally as a pesticide. DDT’s absence from early literature is little assurance that it was not used.”
From the beginning diagnostics were plagued by prejudice, they assert:
A cornerstone for the polio-as-virus theory was laid down in 1908 by scientists Karl Landsteiner and Erwin Popper, both working in Austria. The World Health Organization calls their experiments one of the “milestones in the obliteration of polio.” That year, another polio epidemic occurred and once again there was clear evidence that toxic pesticides were at play. But, astoundingly, instead of following up this evidence, medical authorities viewed the pesticides as weapons in the battle against the arch enemy microbes. They even neglected to give the children suffering from lameness treatments to alleviate the pesticide poisoning and, thus establish whether their health could be improved this way.9(In 1951, Irwin Eskwith did exactly that and succeeded in curing a child suffering cranial nerve damage-bulbar paralysis, a particularly severe form of polio -with dimercaprol, a detoxification substance that binds heavy metals like arsenic and lead).
Landsteiner and Popper instead chose to take a diseased piece of spinal marrow from a lame nine-year-old boy, chopped it up, dissolved it in water and injected one or two whole cups of it intraperitoneally (into the abdominal cavities) of two test monkeys : one died and the other became permanently paralyzed. Their studies were plagued by a mind-boggling range of basic problems.
Just as DDT was coming under greater scrutiny in America, with warning labels and the banning of its use with food products and dairy cattle, it began to be exported heavily to developing countries. Rachel Carson’s famous book Silent Spring focused on its devastating impact on animals, leaving the more serious question of its effects on human beings untouched. Jim West, a writer who has investigated the link between polio and pesticides, is quoted:
“One needs only consider that her work had been financed by the Rockefeller Foundation. This makes one sit up and take notice, for the Rockefeller Foundation has supported the significant orthodox epidemic programs, including the HIV AIDS research and numerous vaccination programs. And the great Grandfather Rockefeller had made his money by selling snake venom and pure mineral oil as a universal cure. Carson’s book prompted public outcry, which contributed to DDT’s ultimate prohibition. But this was a deceptive victory, which only helped to secure the public belief that democratic regulative mechanisms still functioned effectively. In actual fact, the chemical industry — because the public thought the poisonous demon had then been defeated — was able to establish its likewise highly toxic organophosphate on the market without a problem. And, fatally, nobody discussed its important central topic: that poisons like DDT could cause severe damage like polio.”
Engelbrecht and Köhnlein raise even more shattering questions about AIDS.
There is no laboratory proof of the sexually transmissible virus known as HIV, the authors maintain. The most likely cause of the serious immunodeficiency syndrome which came to public attention in the 1980s, according to Engelbrecht and Köhnlein, is drug use, especially the use of “poppers,” or inhaled nitrites which were extremely popular in the “gay scene” and were little known beyond it. In the developing world, what was identified as AIDS was likely the various effects of malnutrition, which explains why it was “transmitted” by heterosexual contact there but not in the West.
Poppers can severely damage the immune system, genes, lungs, liver, heart, or the brain; they can produce neural damage similar to that of multiple sclerosis, can have carcinogenic effects, and can lead to “sudden sniffing death.” Even the drug’s label warns it is “highly flammable; may be fatal if swallowed.” And the · medical establishment knew about its various dangers. In the 1970s, the first popper warnings appeared in scientific literature. In 1978, for instance, L.T. Sigell wrote in the American Journal of Psychiatry that the inhaled nitrites produced nitrosamine, known for its carcinogenic effects98-a warning which Thomas Haley of the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) likewise articulated.
In 1981, the New England Journal of Medicine (NEJM), one of the world’s most significant medical journals, published several articles at the same time singling out the so-called fast -lane lifestyle as a possible cause of AIDS.100 101 102 This lifestyle is characterized by an extremely poor diet and long-term intake of antibiotics and antifungal substances, which damage the mitochondria, the cells’ powerhouses (plus numerous other medicines, later primarily chemotherapy-like antiviral AIDS preparations including AZT, ddC, d4T, aciclovir and ganciclovir).
That AIDS might not be caused by a virus was news the Centers of Disease Control, whose existence largely depends on viral epidemics, did not want to publicize:
A number of high-power organizations sought to prevent this message from getting through. First, the CDC purposely skewed their statistics. Their weekly bulletins divided AIDS patients into groups (homosexuals, intravenous drug users, racial minorities, hemophiliacs), yet they attributed a lower percentage to junkies than homosexuals. At one point, 17% were identified as drug users, and 73% were homosexuals, according to the CDC. This gave the impression that drug users were a less significant group among AIDS patients.
The CDC only admitted they played with the numbers to those who meticulously probed for more information.
The existence of a causative virus is not consistent with the history of AIDS since its supposed emergence in the 1980s:
And so, the simple and yet “politically incorrect truth is rarely spoken out loud: the dreaded heterosexual epidemic never happened,” Kevin Gray, of the US magazine Details reported to his readers’ in early 2004. The “degree of epidemic” in the population of developed nations has remained practically unchanged. In the USA, for example, since 1985, the number of those termed HN-infected has remained stable at one million people (which corresponds to a fraction of one percent of the population). But if HN were actually a new sexually transmitted virus, there should have been an exponential rise (and fall) in case numbers.
These are a few of the provocative insights revealed in this meticulously researched and cited book, which demonstrates the mind-blowing extent to which viruses have become a profitable governmental and business enterprise — and the dubious science behind many of them.
I cannot recommend this book strongly enough at this time. It will help you understand better the boldness with which we have been deceived by billionaire hucksters, power-hungry bureaucrats and the various forces which long to bring America to its knees.