IN the June issue of Culture Wars magazine, E. Michael Jones, author of Barren Metal: A History of Capitalism as the Conflict between Labor and Usury, to mention just one of his many outstanding books, writes about the Trump Phenomenon, as seen from his hometown of South Bend, Indiana.
It’s an essentially positive view of Trump’s economic nationalism. On Trump’s casino bankruptcies, for example, Jones states:
If Donald Trump had crammed down Goldman Sachs the way he crammed down the claims of the creditors to [Atlantic City’s] failed casinos, the world would be a better place, and the United States of America would have $4 trillion dollars to spend on something other than usury payments to the wealthy.
Later, he writes:
… [The] point which Trump is now making in his inchoate, broken clock way, is that there is an intimate connection between the economy and the nation. Both entities are created by closure. The purpose of the national economy is the well-being and prosperity of all of its citizens. Any talk of an international economy is merely oligarch subterfuge for exploiting labor differentials throughout the world.
In Indiana, in May of 2016, both Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders paid homage to these truths by framing the issues in essentially the same way. According to the South Bend Tribune:
Sanders delivered his standard stump speech Sunday, attacking Wall Street and the “big banks” and promising campaign finance reform, free public college tuition, Medicare for all, and an end to “bad” trade policies that cost “millions” of American jobs.
Like Trump, Sanders denounced the Carrier air conditioning corporation, which “recently announced plans to move 2,100 jobs from Indianapolis to Mexi-co, where he said, workers earn ‘$3 an hour.’”20 Sand-ers denounced Carrier’s parent company United Tech-nologies as “a company that made a profit of $7 bil-lion last year. It is a company that could afford to pay its CEO over $14 in total compensation. . . . . United Technologies gave its outgoing CEO in 2014 a (sever-ance package) worth over $172 million. . . .”21
Sanders attack on Carrier drew loud boos from the audience. With the Hoosiers firmly on his side, Sanders proceeded to ruin his own message by dragging in all the sexual issues which are de rigueur for Democrats but anathema to Hoosier voters, who invariably hand the state over to the Republicans because of their aversion to them: “Everyone here understands,” Bernie said, haranguing the crowd, “what they (the Republicans) mean by family values is no woman . . has a right to control her own body. We disagree. What they mean by family values is our gay brothers and sisters do not have the right to be married. We disagree.”22
If Bernie ruined his chances of carrying Indiana in a general election by bringing up the sexual issues, Trump ruined his message by arguing for building up America’s military. And what explains the similarities? Is it simply that great minds run in the same circles? No, it’s the 5,000 people on the other side of the room. It is Demos in Indiana. Demos is anti-free trade, pro-manufacturing, pro-high wages, anti-abortion, and anti-homosexual marriage, and there is currently no party which represents their views. Nor is it clear that Hoosiers are in a position to articulate what is going on when the CEO from Sales Force parachutes into Indianapolis and demands that the state legislature change its laws to meet the specifications of the homosexual/CEO cabal that is the avant garde of oligiarch proxy warfare in our day.
One day later, Demos had spoken. Trump crushed Cruz in a lopsided 60 to 30 percent victory, guaranteeing his lock on the nomination in Cleveland in July. Cruz surprised everyone by dropping out, thereby denying himself the nomination as the oligarch’s candidate at a brokered convention. Read More »